The presupposition of even

I present a new observation with regard to the felicity of using even: There is no apparent focus/QUD congruence for even-sentences. For example, Even Mary came cannot be used answer question like who or was unlikely come. Instead, felicitous use address issues how successful exhibition was, enthusiastic people were, urgent matter etc. Thus propose that even QUD-sensitive, always contextually salient degree question. brings degree-based presupposition additivity, not an entity-based one (see also Greenberg 2018 similar view). An even-sentence presupposes its prejacent associated value, benchmark value higher than usual contextual threshold, resolving increasingly positive answer. E.g., under relevant scenario about popular certain talk roughly interpreted as (the so popular) came. Under current analysis, additivity and likelihood-based scalarity even, which are considered presuppositions traditional view, now implicatures.